Chasing Indira mirage

Political icons outlast their lives. They are more powerful even long after they are dead. 

John F Kennedy is still powerful in memories of Americans. That Bill Clinton during his first bid in the US Presidential elections got quite a leg up, after Americans found that he looked like Kennedy is being talked about far from Washington and in the unlikely land of mother of all democracy, that India is, should not come as surprise. Because what Kennedy was for America, Indira Gandhi was for India.

And the last hope of Congress and of Nehru-Gandhi dynasty and also of numerous other dynasties in India seem pinned in Priyanka Gandhi Vadra. Even before the noise in Congress for Priyanka becomes louder, her fans are growing in numbers among leaders of regional parties.  

That BJP's Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi has emerged as the numero-uno threat to dynasty is being admitted in the political corridor and with quite considerable concern. Modi seems to have taken BJP to such places where the party never existed and that makes him a foe of regional forces as well. 

Arguably, Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi has lost his political plot. And as if Indian politics is still that gripping soap-opera, his sister and occasional campaigner Priyanka Gandhi Vadra is showing quite an eagerness to jump into politics. 

It will be a mistake not to see a pattern, because there is a clear orchestration to prop up her into the political arena.

"Rahul kuch jyaada hi make-up kar liya tha...bilkul babua lag raha tha...16 ke baad ham khul kar bolenge ki Priyanka ko leading role lena chahiye (Rahul looks a kid...after 16th May, we will openly demand a larger role for Priyanka," said a top ranking Samajwadi Party leader, who liasen with top Congress leaders.

Regional parties have thrived with the weakening of the Congress during the last three decades. They built dynastic political parties on caste identities and survived even after they faced corruption charges. 

But the lurking decimation of Congress in the ongoing Lok Sabha elections is being seen as a clear threat to various dynasties. They apprehend that if Nehru-Gandhi dynasty can be politically made irrelevant, they will face the similar fate in coming months or years. And, hence, it makes a strong case for rallying behind Priyanka.

"India is full of emotional people. Priyanka styles on Indira's lines. People can flock to her if she jumps into active politics," confided a seasoned politician. 

From Jammu and Kashmir to Punjab to Haryana to Uttar Pradesh to Odisha to Jharkhand, Indian democracy tells the sorry tale of electoral politics being hijacked by dynasties. While Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru pushed his daughter Indira Gandhi into politics without a clear motive to establish a dynasty, she later did make it happen in 1980s. 

And since then the beneficiaries of the JP movement formed dynasties of their own. So, Mulayam Singh Yadav clan in Uttar Pradesh, Lalu Prasad in Bihar, Devi Lal in Haryana, Shibu Soren in Jharkhand established their hegemony in their respective states. 

But the rise of Narendra Modi has sent shock waves in these dynasties. "After decimating the Gandhi dynasty, Modi will next target dynastic politics in states. He poses serious threats to all those who have carved out political dynasties on caste identities. 

Therefore, all such leaders will make a beeline to demand a larger role for Priyanka after the verdict for the Lok Sabha elections is out," confided a senior Samajwadi Party leader.Arguably, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra could be an easy target for Modi to further crush the Congress. 

"Will she not being a Mrs Vadra prove counterproductive for the Congress?" To this, the reply comes: "This is a land where the likes of A Raja wins with record margin. So, being Mrs Vadra does not matter much. People are emotional and if Priyanka can reinvent herself as Indira, there could be a recovery," said one advocating a larger role for her.

Incidentally, a weak Congress gains a lot of friends. And in the coming months the Congress may be pleasantly surprised to find a lot of new friends. They may also like to do business together. And that will happen because when faced with an existential crisis, lesser foes do not mind joining hands together. 

Thus, Navin Patnaik can have an understanding with Congress, as BJP beings to make deep inroad in Orissa. Mamata Banerjee may also revive her relations with Congress, as ground reports suggest BJP likely to fetch a minimum 15 per cent vote share in West Bengal in the Lok Sabha elections. Also, Mulayam will have no choice but to seek help from the Congress to keep the rising BJP in UP at bay.  

But the Congress will not be in a hurry to launch Priyanka into active politics so soon. That Rahul will get another five years to re-build the Congress is acknowledged in the party. And, therefore, the Congress will like to titillate the people with Priyanka's name for a while. 

You don't run all your best horses in the same race.

Red ant eaters

Late Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi did not believe that a lot of people were eating red ants in many districts of Orissa in 1980s during famine. 

Three decades later, there are still people in parts of West Bengal and Orissa who eat red ants and their eggs. That, off course, is not a delicacy. but extreme human survival compromises. 

And these men and women are mostly Scheduled Castes and Tribes (SCs & STs). That they remain at the bottom of the development pyramid is a telling blow to the road-map, which Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi had laid as part of the "Poona Pact". The duo may not have imagined that their road-map would be hijacked by pseudo leaders, who in later decades, would exploit their castes to build fortunes for themselves.

On the outskirts of Lucknow and in the midst of a paddy field, three men were idling away their time with beedi. That was on the eve of the 2012 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections. Two of them sat on a raised cemented platform, while the third squatted at a distance on the ground. The two were Yadavs and the squatter was a Dalit. But they all worked for the state government and were fourth grade employees. For over two weeks, they all did the same job; that of covering larger than life size statues of "Behen" Mayawati in and around Lucknow.

"We will vote for Netaji (Mulayam Singh Yadav), but he will vote for Mayawati. You can ask him. He will vote for her despite covering her statues himself for over a fortnight," said one of the Yadavs. The squatter shyly confirmed. That he will do so, because, he said, Mayawati is the honour of his caste.

In five years that she ruled Uttar Pradesh with an iron fist, all that Dalits got have largely been impressive BSP party offices in their villages. Dalits in UP villages, while living in mud-hut like shelters, take pride in these double storey offices of the BSP. Even though Mayawati ran a scheme called Dr Ambedkar Gram Jyoti Yojana in which the state government gave Rs one crore for a village's development, the sorry tale of embezzlement is there for all to see. 

In the close neighbourhood, wily Nitish Kumar attempted his grand plan to politically insure his party by stratifying Dalits into Mahadalist. Though there was nothing Maha (great) about this political move, what he did was weaning away the support base from another Dalit political contractor Ram Vilas Paswan.  

Sugriv Harijan

But nine years after Nitish carved out Mahadalit for his political stability, lot of these people look much worse on the ground. "All that we have got in the name of Mahadalit is one radio set for a family. We were better off till government made us Mahadalit," quipped Sugreev Harijan, 65, of Kulharia Mahadalit village in Banka district of Bihar.

Incidentally, Nitish claimed that he distributed land to Mahadalit but in two villages of such people none had got either land or job. And they mostly work as labourers for which MGNREGA (Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act) comes handy.

Arguably, Nitish Kumar in the name of Mahadalit proved a bigger villain for them, as he allowed country liquor shops to be opened up in their villages. So, Mahadalit youths, who have got education till school, will not work on farm field and in the absence of regular jobs they will idle away their times during days and by dusk will be high on country liquor. And, while the most productive age group has arguably become a lazy class, senior citizens among them toil hard on the hard land.

Mahadalit MGNREGA labourers 

So, a little walk through a farm field full of human defecation takes one to about two dozen Mahadalits working to dig land for minor irrigation. And they reveal the paradox in their lives, as men are mostly 60+ working with their daughters-in-law. None of them are Mahadalit male youth.

"My son is a graduate but is jobless and a drunkard. At this age, I work as a labourer to feed him and his family. If the liquor shop was not opened so near our homes, he may have worked for livelihood," said Bharat Das, 65.

In another Mahadalit village in Bhagalpur district of Bihar, Manoj Kumar, after having returned from Delhi where he worked as compounder, has opened a clinic and prescribes medicines to villagers, who have no access yet to trained doctors. Local BJP MP Putul Devi believes at least there is someone to give medicines for minor ailments.

If these Dalits still struggle with their livelihoods, one can not resist to admit the fact that they have been victims of Nehruvian politics perpetuated by his daughter Indira Gandhi by turning them into a herd for votes. And to ensure that they remained a herd, they have just been given enough doles in last six decades just to survive. Nehru-Indira model was later hijacked by the likes of Mayawati, Nitish Kumar but no change took place in their real motives.

That if Dalits break off from their sub-poverty level, their aspirations could split the herd, which makes a poor political sense. But there lies the failure of the nation to allow a great number of people to live sub-human lives. And so the red ant eaters live in India.

A sacred ritual

He has seen days of Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru and Rajendra Prasad. Though Congress has lost base in Bihar, Bhola Prasad Jha, 84, can't think of any other party. He voted first time in 1952 and wants to vote for Congress only till he dies. Voting for Congress is his private ritual!

"As a ritual, I cast my vote for Congress. In this age, I do not want to break my loyalty for the party I worshiped due to its ideals and role in India's freedom," says Jha.

He was a Sarpanch of Koendha Birma Panchayat in Banka for 10 years. True to having been a political activist in the prime of his life, Mr Jha holds strong opinion about current politicians. "Politics has changed. And it has changed for worse," rues Jha.

In those times, politicians respected people and vice-versa, but now respect is out of politics, Mr Jha, who was a farmer, adds. Though a staunch Congress supporter, he had liked the JP (Jay Prakash Narayan) movement in 1970s for its objective. "The JP movement could not go in the right direction and petty politicians hijacked the plot later," Jha believes.

Bhola Nath Jha

He listens to long speeches of BJP's PM candidate Narendra Modi and likes his oratory. "Even Nehru ji used to deliver long speeches in Hindi and English of more than an hour. People used to come from far away places on their own to listen to Pandit ji," recalls Jha.

This octogenarian is, however, sharply critical of Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar. "In Nitish raj, there is no governance. Officials are looting people. He has divided society. Murders take place in broad day light," Jha claims.

Having seen RJD chief Lalu Prasad's days also in Bihar, Mr Jha believes Mr Kumar's rule is worse. "Lalu used to say BHURA baal saaf karo, but that was only for saying. Nitish is exactly doing that without saying so," Jha laments. BHURA stood for Brahmin, Bhumihar, Rajput and Kayastha castes in popular lexicon.

As a true Congress follower, he wears Khadi but has turned a pessimist now. "I don't see great future of this country. There are no leaders left now. There is no administration. There is no discipline among the people also," says Jha, with a few drop of tears threatening to roll off his eyes.

However, he says that he no more asks anyone in his village Kulhariya to vote for Congress as he did earlier. That he does not do anymore, because the Congress for him is no more a party that it was. 

In the winter of his life, Jha finds the party he worshiped all life let him down and the nation too. 

(NOTE: This had appeared in The Asian Age and Deccan Chronicle also.)

Feasting on instability

Trust Jats to give the most rustic one-liner. And one such was on the offer in Amroha. "Garib ki biwi sabki bhabhi aur amir ki sabki chachi (poor man's wife is universal sister-in-law, while that of a rich man's is an aunt". That was in reply by a Jat leader to a query that Ajit Singh of Rashtriya Lok Dal could again go begging to the BJP after the elections. 

Ramvilas Paswan, Udit Raj, Chirag Paswan

Ram Vilas Paswan could well claim to have the best nose in the political circle to sniff which way the wind is blowing. He did not disappoint his reputation. And after 12 long years of BJP bashing, Paswan is singing praises for Narendra Modi.

"Barah saal me yug badal jaata hai (an era changes in 12 years time)" is what Paswan has to say to volley of questions on his claims of "secularism" and volt-face. It was in 2002 that Paswan had quit Atal Bihari Vajpayee Cabinet just after the post-Godhra riots broke out. 

Though the world thought that Paswan had quit the Cabinet over the issue of alleged state involvement in Gujrat riots, he was rather at that time sulking for having been given the least important ministry. And to top all BJP leader Arun Jaitely had reportedly shouted at him in one of the Cabinet meeting. Also, Pramod Mahajan was alive then, who had the reputation of a no-nonsensical approach and is said to have the most bitter tongue.

But politics is an art in which there is nothing permanent. There is no permanent enemy too and whatever is seen is just for public perception. If not convinced, one may recall Mulayam Singh Yadav and Kalyan Singh joining hands just before the 2009 Lok Sabha elections. That was for political convenience and once the experiment did not yield desired results Kalyan Singh was dumped in quick time on the eve of the tabling of the Babri mosque demolition report in the Parliament.

Ajit Singh of the RLD is known as a fox in the political circle. Same is said of K Chandra Shekhar Rao of the Telangana Rashtria Samiti (TRS). They are not just a few but many in Indian politics and thrive with the weakening of the national parties. And they exact a heavy price from not only the large party with whom they align but also the people at large. 

Sharad Pawar led Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) had a tally of 17 seats in the 15th Lok Sabha. But the kind of clout he enjoyed in the Manmohan Singh Cabinet is envious. Under his pressure the government few weeks before announcement of elections approved a Rs 6,600 crore bailout package to the sugar mills, which they will use to pay the sugarcane growers but the banks will give money to them interest free. There is no free lunch and so the interest burden will be borne by the Central government.     

Ajit Singh on the other hand claims to have pressurized the Union Cabinet to approve the reservation in

An RLD rally at Amroha

government jobs for Jats. Now, the Jats are in the Other Backward Caste category (OBC). The caste, which is a land owning community and prosperous by all accounts, will vie with other OBCs for a pie in the reserved quota for jobs. They are not only prosperous farmers but have always been a socially dominant community. And, thus, they do not meet the criteria of social deprivation to have been considered at all for the "positive discrimination" power of the Constitution. 

But politics defies all logic. And, hence, an upper caste Jat is now a backward community. They now compete with Yadavs for benefits from the government. And thus one hears that rant in an RLD rally, that Jats have not got anything from the Samajwadi government in Lucknow, "which is catering only to Yadavs and Muslims".   

And what compelled Ram Vilas Paswan to go with an "upper caste" party. He himself gives the answer, that "Nitish Kumar created Mahadalit and left out Paswans only". He is apparently following in the footsteps of the Congress and Mayawati's BSP, that Upper Castes and Dalits make for natural political ally. That Dalits are not exploited by the Brahmins but by those who are in the category of OBCs is a well known fact and part of India's political tradition. 

Coming back to the Jat saying on poor man's wife, it's quite evident that the popular saying has now lost touch with the hardcore political reality. Now, the so called "poor man's wife" milks the party, which falls short of the number in the Lok Sabha.